buharis rivers of rigging for oil 3bii by amaso jack - Buhari’s Rivers Of Rigging For Oil (3bii) By Amaso Jack

Buhari’s Rivers Of Rigging For Oil (3bii) By Amaso Jack

Buhari and Wike rivers - Buhari’s Rivers Of Rigging For Oil (3bii) By Amaso Jack



“The Kaduna mafia, it was said, sprang up after the first coup that wiped out the political and military leadership of the north. Its agenda among others was to avenge the January 1966 assassination of their political and military leaders and the actualization of the dream of Uthman dan Fodio, the revered radical cleric whose dream after overrunning the Hausa states and sharing conquered territories among his sons and brothers, was to plant the sword at the sea. Although this was checkmated by Ibadan”

The Nation



1 Kaduna Mafia is the “custodian trustee” of the vital interest

2 An informal assembly that sustains vital interest by retaining power


The Kaduna Mafia are the stakeholders, caretakers and most importantly the trustees of the vital interest of the core North, the Mafia has been defined by Lai Joseph, identified by Max Siollun but captured in the strategic context of interest by  Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston who said:

‘We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow.”

Observation 1: No perpetual enemies. The progressives of the South West that were the enemies of core North in the 60s are now their allies.

Observation 2: No eternal allies. The South-South minorities that were the allies of the core North in the 60s and enemies of the South East have moved away from the core North to the South East.

Observation 3: Until the South East and South West return to Awolowo/Opara’s UPGA alliance,   along with the South-South and Middle belt, both MAY NOT produce the next president in 2023.


“Research shows that Jibo and fellow speculators on the Kaduna mafia conjectured as follows:

“The Kaduna mafia is a name given to a loose group of young northern Nigerian intellectuals, civil servants, business tycoons and military officers residing or conducting business in the former northern capital city of Kaduna during the end of the first republic. The loss of many northern leaders in the January 1966 coup prodded them to rally round and oppose the new government of General Aguiyi Ironsi……The group thrived on an elaborate network of power alliances among northern aristocrats and government sympathisers who favoured the groups pro-northern and Islamic bent…..Famous members and allies include Adamu Ciroma, Mamman Daura, Ibrahim Tahir, Shehu Musa Yar’adua, Mahmud Tukur and Muhammadu Buhari”.



Senator ‘Lai Joseph on the 238-239th page of his book: “Nigeria Shadow of a Great Nation” wrote:

“Perhaps the most informative, if not authoritative, source of unveiling of what the Kaduna Mafia is, is Dr Iyorchia Ayu’s masterpiece titled ‘Towards a Revolutionary Resolution of the Mafia problem, written while he was a Lecturer in Social Science, University of Jos. The Razor Magazine of July 5, 1994, quoted the expose extensively. Below are excerpts of Razor’s quotations:

“Since the Kaduna Mafia became a subject for public discussion in the mid-1970s, various commentators and political analysts have approached the subject using different and often, contradictory perspectives.

To some, the ‘Kaduna Mafia’ is the heir to the Sardauna type of politics, dogged defenders of the people of the North against a perceived ‘Southern threat’. To some, they are experienced, efficient and specially gifted Northern bureaucrats or technocrats committed to the ‘modernization’ of Nigeria, but who are nevertheless determined to protect the North against the South.

To others, however, ‘the Mafia’ are just a CABAL of politically hungry, greedy and intolerant elements who are determined to either rule or destroy. Yet, still, others see them as an essentially racialist and religious grouping-Hausa/FULANI and Islamic respectively who are out to dominate both the Christian minorities of the Middle Belt and people of the South. In fact, most of the popular writings on ‘the Kaduna Mafia’ can be settled into one of these or a combination of these categories.”


Senator ‘Lai Joseph wrote on the 242nd page: “We further argued that contrary to popular interpretations, the Kaduna Mafia is not an ethnic or religious group. Neither are they just an isolated Northern phenomenon. ‘The Kaduna Mafia’, it is argued, is an ambitious, power hungry and even vicious collection of a highly educated clique of the Northern oligarchy, who are very conscious of themselves as a group; who in spite of their base in Kaduna in the North, have, over the years, developed a network of business connections all over the country and abroad, irrespective of ethnic or religious considerations and who through their control of strategic state corporations and parastatals including key media houses, have not only accumulated enormous wealth for themselves, but have also tried to build public opinion to their own individual and group advantage.

Nevertheless, our submission is that it is not just the Kaduna Mafia or even the Northern section of Nigeria’s national bourgeoisie – the Northern oligarchy – that is the problem, but the whole network of Nigeria’s bourgeoisie, their feudal supporters, and the backing they get from imperialism”.

Lai Joseph is a Lawyer and Journalist, an elected 1983 senator, who represented Osun Senatorial District II in 1983


Observation: Siollun didn’t refer to the assembly of July 29-31, as Kaduna mafia

The setting: Ikeja barracks (now Ikeja cantonment).

Date: July 29-31, 1966

Max Siollun, the Nigerian Military historian, from his 2009, New York Published Algora book he titled: “Oil, Politics and Violence Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976), wrote the following on the 120th-121st page.

“There were three broad camps at Ikeja: the junior Northern soldiers who favoured secession, the more senior Northern officers who advocated revenge against Igbos but did not favour secession, and thirdly the civil servants and diplomats who opposed dissolution of the federation.

The civilian camp included the Chairman of the Federal Public Service Commission Alhaji Sule Katagum, the head of the Northern Region’s civil service Alhaji Ali Akilu, Mukhtar Tahir (a relative of Lt-Colonel Murtala Muhammed), the Chief Justice Sir Adetokunbo Ademola and several civil servants and permanent secretaries including Alhaji Musa Daggash (Defense), Abdul Aziz Atta (Finance), B. N.Okagbue (Health), M. A. Tokunbo, Eneli (both Establishments), Allison Ayida (Economic Planning), S. O. Williams (Works), Solicitor-General Booy-amin Oladiran Kazeem, Philip Asiodu, Ibrahim Damcida, H. A. Ejueyitchie, Yusuf Gobir Anirejuoritse, Ahmed Joda and Buba Ardo. All of the above were Northern (except Chief Justice Ademola and the permanent secretaries Ejueyitchie, Tokunbo, Okagbue, Ayida and Asiodu).

Police participants included the Inspector-General of police Alhaji Kam Selem, Commissioner of Police Theophilus Fagbola, and head of the police Special Branch Alhaji M. D. Yusuf. Some others not physically present participated by telephone (including the military governor of the Mid-West Lt-Colonel Ejoor and Northern Region Governor Sir Kashim Ibrahim).

Other Northern officers (including from other locations) filtered in and out after the debate began.

The military participants present included Lt-Colonel Murtala Muhammed, Majors Martin Adamu, Shittu Also and Musa Usman. Captain Joe Garba. Lieutenants Malami Nassarawa, D. S. Abubakar and Nuhu Nathan, and the fearsome Sergeant Paul Dickson of Ikeja airport infamy. Gowon like other senior Northern officers Lt-Colonel Hassan Katsina and Mohammed Shuwa was not personally involved in the mutiny. However, the senior Northern officers gave their assent to the fait accompli and we’re brought in to participate in the Ikeja debate.

…….Over the weekend of July 30 and 31, the Northern soldiers engaged the civilians in an apocalyptic and emotional explosive debate. The debate raged in a dangerous power vacuum as the nation drifted precariously without a head of state. The most vociferous and uncompromising advocate of the Northern Region’s secession was 28-year old Lt-Colonel Murtala Muhammed. He dominated the debate, verbally harangued the civilians in a forceful manner and became the official spokesman for the mutineers.

The military governor of the Eastern Region, Lt-Colonel Emeka Ojukwu was continually excluded from the debate… The British and American ambassadors, Sir Francis Cumming-Bruce and Elbert Matthews, respectively, also joined the parley. Matthews made it clear that the US would not give aid to the Northern Region if it seceded.”

Siollun captured the consensus and conclusion of the Ikeja debate on the 123rd page of the book this way:

“After three days of marathon talks, the Northern soldiers agreed to drop their plan to secede, but on the condition that their most senior member Lt-Colonel Gowon was appointed head of state.”


On the 144th page of his 2001, Malthouse Press published book, he titled: “The Federal Republic of the Nigerian Army The Siege of a Nation” General Alli wrote:

“Northern hold on power had been predicated on four strategic leverages, namely: geography, the Ahmadu Bello’s ‘north for the north’ or northernization, language which eases intra-regional communication, religion which provides political connection and rally, and finally, the military as a fall back position should these demographic advantages be neutralized”


What seems to be the strategic doctrine of the Kaduna Mafia under Buhari may be summed up in his very own words.

“I hope you have a copy of the election results. The constituents, for example, gave me 97% [of the vote] cannot, in all honesty, be treated on some issues with constituencies that gave me 5%.”

President Buhari, on July 22nd at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP)


“Grand strategy may be defined as the combination of diplomatic, economic, military, and political factors used by leaders to defend their respective nation-states.”  Kiron K. Skinner

(Centre for International relations and politics, Carnegie Mellon University)


Observation: Kiron K. Skinner pointed out three things as core values of grand strategy. Those three things are:

  • Diplomacy  
  • Economy
  • Military

It is instructive to note that  Buhari who was identified by Akin Osuntokun, as being a member of the Kaduna Mafia, defines vital interest as a ratio of 97% to 5% and has deployed it in the three specific areas of diplomacy, economy, military, as identified by Kiron K. Skinner.

The significance of these three positions as a strategic statement of vital interest are as follows:

The MILITARY face of vital interest under Buhari is: Mansur Muhammad Dan Ali is the Defence

ECONOMY: Zainab Shamsuna Ahmed was appointed the Minister of Finance after the resignation of Kemi Adeosun

DIPLOMACY: Amina Mohammed Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations and not Geoffrey Onyeama is the strategic voice in foreign affairs.


“The Secretary-General is shocked and outraged by reports that at least 134 civilians, including women and children, have been killed,” Farhan Haq, a spokesman for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, said in a statement, adding that the UN chief called on Malian authorities “to swiftly investigate it and bring the perpetrators to justice”.  https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/03/130-killed-mali-ethnic-attack-fulani-village-190324081752188.html

The UN was vocal about the killings in Mali of a distinct ethnic nationality; the Fulani, which was the proper thing to do, but has been silent in Nigeria on the Killings in Nigeria, by the same ethnic interest that were the victims in Mali!

Was the Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations who shares the same vital interest, with  Buhari, “planted” there like Gambari before her to provide a global interest for their shared sub-regional vital interest?

One thing is clear, Geoffrey Onyeama is a mare “Federal Character Minister. If there is a clash of opinion between Onyeama and Amina Mohammed, the point would be made abundantly clear!


Cole and Awara are intended tools of vital interest by divide and indirect rule through Rotimi Amaechi. The North sought to use with the army to impose them by rigging.

Niger Delta activist Ann Kio Briggs who like Tonye Cole the (the APC) candidate and the current PDP deputy Governor (Ipalibo Gogo Banigo, are all from Abonnema in Rivers State)  captured the principle of indirect rule this way:

“You came to the community, picked one man to be governor. You left the one before, picked another without caring who we want. You don’t pick who the people don’t know. You knocked the heal of two Abonnema sons together. When you saw them bleeding, you went to a neighbouring community to pick from another party not known.”https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.vanguardngr.com/2019/03/rivers-elections-ogu-bolo-women-revolt-against-army-pits-ann-kio-against-semenitari/amp/

OBSERVATION FROM BRIGGS: “You left the one before, picked another without caring who we want”  Picking a person for a people to represent them (who is the consensus choice of people in question) is a sure sign of the indirect procedure of “In office but not in power”


Writer after writer, from the Nation Newspaper to Professor, Nicholas Dimkpa Ofiaja (in earlier parts) to Akin Osuntokun, and Dr Iyorchia Ayu, recognise the existence of the Kaduna Mafia as the CUSTODIAN of the vital interest of Northern expansionism. Buhari’s attempt at rigging in Rivers State, by the deployment of the 6 Division of the army, was aimed at securing the oil assets in the South-South, by installing a stooge in government house Port Harcourt.

The assembly of individuals, mostly from the North, to protect the political economic,  Geopolitical and ethnoreligious vital interest of the core North, was the strategic basis for rigging by the army in Rivers State. It was the last hope for control, using Awara, as the tactical deployment to achieve the goal.

KADUNA MAFIA has one objective; the vital interest of the North as its “ground zero”


An opinion piece by Amaso Jack. Jack is a political strategist and analyst, he lectures at Nigerian Institute of Journalism, Lagos State.

The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and not of Naija News.

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